/n,t,d/ are realized as interdental [n̪,t̪,d̪] before /r/ and /ər/, as in try[t̪ɾɑe] 'try', cooter[ˈkʉt̪əɹ] 'coulter' and bederel[ˈbɛd̪əɾəl] 'bed-ridden invalid'. Before [t̪,d̪], /l/ also becomes interdental [l̪], as in helter[ˈhɛl̪t̪əɹ] 'halter'.[2] As these allophones are fully predictable, the diacritic is omitted elsewhere in the article.
/p,t,k/ in word-medial and word-final positions, may be pronounced with a simultaneous glottal stop [ʔ] among speakers.[2]
/tʃ,dʒ,ʃ,ʒ/ are phonetically alveolo-palatal sibilants articulated with spread lips [tɕ,dʑ,ɕ,ʑ].[2]
/x/ has two allophones:
Normally, it is a voiceless post-velar fricative with a simultaneous voiceless uvular trill [x̠͡ʀ̥] (hereafter written with a plain ⟨x⟩), much like Northern Dutch ⟨g⟩ in the word geel[x̠͡ʀ̥eːl]ⓘ 'yellow'.[2][3]
After front vowels (such as /i/), it is realized as a voiceless post-palatal fricative [ç˗] (hereafter represented without the diacritic), similar to the German Ich-Laut, but slightly more back. This consonant also occurs as an allophone of the initial sequence /hj/, so that huge/hjʉdʒ/ 'huge' may be pronounced [çʉdʒ].[2]
/r/ is normally an approximant [ɹ]. After /t,d,θ/, it is realized as a tap [ɾ]. This is also the case in the sequence /CərV/ (where /C/ stands for any of /n,t,d,θ,ð,l/), as in footery[ˈfʉtəɾe] 'clumsy'. In initial clusters after consonants other than /t,d,θ/, Gregg describes a realization intermediate between an approximant [ɹ] and a tap [ɾ], i.e. a brief non-sibilant fricative [ɾ̞] (as in brush[bɾ̞ʌʃ] 'brush').[2] Elsewhere in the article, this allophone is written with a plain ⟨ɾ⟩.
/l/ is clear [l]. The velarized [ɫ] found in many English dialects does not exist in Glenoe.[2]
Vowel length is governed by the Scottish vowel length rule and is therefore non-phonemic. /ɨ,ɐ,ʌ/ and the unstressed-only /ə/ are always short, whereas /e,ɛ,a,ɔ,o/ are normally long but can be shortened due to the SVLR. Conversely, both /i/ and /ʉ/ are normally short, but can be lengthened due to the SVLR.[2]
/i,e,ɛ/ are slightly lower than the corresponding cardinal vowels, but the difference is not very big.[2]
/ɨ/, a phonologically central vowel, is further front and more open than cardinal [ɨ]: [ɨ̟˕]. Before /r/, it is lengthened and slightly lowered to [ɘ̟ː] (transcribed with ⟨ɨː⟩ in this article).[2]
/ʉ/, a phonologically central vowel, is further front than cardinal [ʉ] but not quite as front as the German /ʏ/ and /yː/. The long allophone is almost fully close [ʉ̟ː], but the short allophone is somewhat lower: [ʉ̟˕]. Before /r/, a long open [ʉ̟˕ː] is found to the exclusion of [ʉ̟ː].[2] For simplicity, both long allophones are written with ⟨ʉː⟩ in this article, whereas the short allophone is written with ⟨ʉ⟩.
/o/ is more strongly rounded and closer than the cardinal [o]: [o̹˔]. It is similar in quality to Swedish and Norwegian /uː/.[2]
In certain fused verb forms, /e/ is realized as [ɪ]. An example of that is hae tae[ˈhɪtə] 'have to' (cf. hae[heː] 'have'). It also occurs as an allophone of /ɐ/ in unstressed syllables (in e.g. Pawlish[ˈpɔːlɪʃ] 'Polish'). Its phonetic quality is similar to that of /ɨ/ but more front. It is close to the KIT vowel (/ɪ/) in RP.[2]
/ɐ/ is near-open near-front [ɐ̟]. It corresponds to English /ɪ/, which in most English dialects is much closer [ɪ]. However, a similar sound of an [ɐ̟] quality is used by some speakers of Ulster English.[2]
Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (1982). "A phonetic description of the consonant system of Standard Dutch (ABN)". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 12 (1): 2–12. doi:10.1017/S0025100300002358. JSTOR44526677. S2CID144910869.
Gregg, Robert J. (1953). Smyth, Anne; Montgomery, Michael; Robinson, Philip (eds.). Phonology of an East Antrim Dialect. The Academic Study of Ulster Scots (Thesis).
